Copycat Crime - Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Criminology
Perhaps this relationship dynamic stems from parents who want to be needed. Setting boundaries with your adult child can sometimes be the best thing to do. The linked crimes are seen as sharing a unique criminogenic dynamic with the media's relationship to social aggression, the rigorous study of copycat crime has the media as a significant source of crime models, and his best-known quote psychology literature uses the term “mind-reading” (a.k.a. a “theory of mind”) to. If sending drug users to jail isn't the answer, and letting them use a misdemeanor is a less serious crime which can still result in jail time, but Childhood trauma, genetic predisposition, environmental stressors, relationship breakdowns, . an incredible insight into the dynamics of addiction and recovery.
An interesting question then arises: Perhaps it is not about whether a certain question is asked or not. But even in a rather generous reading of research on turning points, the importance of context-specific transition processes is seldom explicitly stated. However, we must be careful not to fall into the trap of a holistic view in which no process or event is more important than any other.
In the following section, I thus begin by outlining this concept. What Is a Turning Point? Two concepts are often seen as central to understanding life course dynamics: Trajectories and transitions are thus interlocked and may bring about turning points. For example, it is possible to make a transition into employment and family formation without desisting from crime or decreasing the intensity or frequency of offending.
Siennick and Osgood's categorization of the research on desistance and transitions to adult roles offers a more explicitly theoretical version of the same underlying notions. They divide transitions into three types: This point of departure is useful for understanding the link between turning points and processes of change in offending.
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A turning point thus constitutes a change in the life course, which, in turn, constitutes a change in the individual's offending. It is not employment, marriage, military service, residential change or other changes in themselves that bring about desistance, but rather the way such changes under certain circumstances can bring about other changes, which are theoretically understood as central for the desistance processes to emerge.
Progression suggests something unidirectional whereby the individual decreases his or her offending until it has ceased completely.
Processes of Continuity and Change Much of the research on turning points also seems to suggest that what actually happens in the individual's life is something important in itself Maruna This recommendation is only partly correct, I think. Strictly speaking, there is nothing in Maruna's argument that suggests that any event or process in the life course is more important than any other—which is clearly not true.
While events or processes may not inherently be turning points, the important question, to me, is whether turning points can be a useful construct for interpreting, analysing and understanding changes in offending in qualitative material. In that sense, I am very utility-oriented. And, presumably contrary to Maruna, I think turning points can help us bring clarity in the complex, dynamic life course of any given individual, and help us identify those processes that seem to be more important than others when it comes to changes in offending and desistance from crime.
However, there is a clear point in Maruna's argument. To some extent, they continue, we need to study the biography of cases of change in depth. While any theoretical construct should be useful and, at least to some extent, be more general than its immediate empirical ground, it also has to be able to account for individual agency, innovation and new observations Farrall et al.
This has a policy implication that I will return to. Instead, in understanding the meaning of something—the employment, military service, marriage, the residential change, etc. The Stockholm Boys Project The main purpose of the Stockholm Boys Project hereafter, the Stockholm Project is to study the life course processes surrounding onset, persistence, desistance and intermittency of offending the project has been described in detail elsewhere; see Sarnecki et al.
Life story interviews provide a useful method of inquiry. The Clientele Boys consists of men born in Stockholm between and When they were between 11 and 15 years old, they participated in a large study commissioned by the Swedish parliament, the purpose of which was to study the causes of delinquency.
They were divided into two groups: In the crime group, every boy was known by the police to have committed at least one crime prior to age 15 SOU During the s, of these men were interviewed Sarnecki and, of these, are still alive as of this writing. Only thesetoday between 60 and 68 years old, are the subjects for our interviews. The SiS Youth consist of individuals born between and The remaining individuals, also with a history of offending, drug use, etc. Eighty individuals in the treatment group and 53 in the control group were interviewed when they were 24—29 years old.
Of these individuals, eight have died, and we were unable to locate seven. Today, these individuals are between 36 and 41 years of age. The interview participants were contacted by letter.
As for the Clientele Boys, we first took a random sample of the men in the crime group still located in Stockholm, but then also systematically chose the 20 men who had the heaviest history of offending in the s follow-up. The reason for this was that the random sample failed to generate the variation in offending we wished to obtain. As for the SiS Youth group, we sent out letters to all individuals. To date, we have interviewed 62 individuals 43 in the SiS Youth group, 19 in the Clientele.
The circumstances surrounding the interviews varied: In many cases, two interviewers were present, while, in four cases, I conducted the interviews alone. The interviews were retrospective and unstructured, with an interview guide covering a range of topics including living arrangements, education and school experiences, employment history, health, social relations, experiences of crime, drug use, victimization and the criminal justice system.
The lengths of the interviews range from roughly 45 minutes to over four hours, and were tape-recorded. Exploring turning points in life story interviews: The reasons for this were twofold, and the first one can be illustrated with two quotes: However, consider the sentence prior to the one I just quoted: Several men we interviewed told us that marriage was their turning point and that their criminal and deviant behavior changed as a direct result of getting married. And, here, Laub and Sampson get just that—in light of their question, Dominic's answer is hardly surprising.
This is not limited to Laub and Sampson—Maruna does this, too Maruna This is not to discredit Laub and Sampson: Unless the interview participant himself mentions the concept which, in itself, might be a finding—the absence of a concept says something about it, toothe researcher needs to bring the concept into the interview, but he or she needs to do so with a certain caution and reflexivity.
The narrative or life story emerges in an interview situation as a result of both the interviewer and interview participant see Holstein and Gubrium ; Atkinson ; Wells Here, it should be noted that none of our 62 interview participants used this expression when they described their lives to us.
We thus kept our questions as open as possible, allowing the interview participant to mention and develop topics or themes that we had not asked about e. It was not unusual for their answers to be several minutes long. This not only helped us judge whether we had understood him adequately or not, but also helped us establish trust: On the narratives in this paper In line with Laub and Sampson Low-rate offending is normative, especially during adolescence, and the Stockholm Project is no exception: Second, in line with Gadd and Farrallwho draw upon Hollway and Jeffersonthe two cases presented here are selected on theoretical grounds, and principally on the basis that they are theoretically interesting with regards to turning points and processes of change in offending.
The main difference between them in terms of characteristics is that one Tomas 6 is 25 years younger than the other David. Even though these two individuals exhibit specific, similar elements, I should stress that the importance of the context and interconnectedness of processes in bringing about changes in offending appears to be rather common, especially among those individuals with a more serious history of offending. A Half-Way Summary and Implications In the analysis section of this paper, I explore two narratives, focusing on the processes underlying and surrounding changes in offending, and how turning points emerge in those narratives.
But, first, let me summarize. Simplifying my arguments, I have so far made three points. First, changes in offending and desistance from crime are complex processes. While this, to some extent, has been conceptualized in the literature, the context-specific circumstances of processes that bring about changes in offending are seldom explicitly stated or empirically illustrated. Second, we must make sure to not accept a holistic view of the life course, where any process is considered as important as any other.
To explore and understand the processes of changes in offending, the concept of turning points can be useful, since it focuses on those events, stages and processes wherein changes emerge. Turning points as a theoretical concept is not directly but indirectly related to changes in offending. Processes entailing turning points bring about changes in the social control, routine activities and self-image of individuals and it is these changes that, in turn, bring about changes in offending.
CIA transnational anti-crime and anti-drug activities
Third, my interest in turning points does not lie in the concept itself. Rather, my interest lies in how the concept of turning points can be used to understand processes of change in offending, as these changes manifest themselves in life story narratives. It is to these narratives that I now turn. One reason for the deficiency is the difficulty in identifying copycat crimes.
Whereas other crimes are relatively straightforward to quantify and are routinely tallied in official law enforcement statistics, copycat crimes are not counted in any systematic way. Copycat crime has traditionally been conceived within an emphasis on direct exposure to live person-to-person models.
The media as a source of crime models has historically been downplayed. As the media evolved in the 20th century the study of mediated copycat crime models ascended so that the dominant contemporary view of copycat crime is that of media-sourced transmissions.
At this time, copycat effects are felt to be relatively rare and are most likely to appear in at-risk individuals predisposed to crime and in preexisting criminal populations. The effect of the media is thought to be more qualitative affecting criminal behavior than quantitative affecting the number of criminals.
The most likely individual to be a copycat offender is hypothesized to be a socially isolated but criminally confident offender who is exposed to multiple live criminal models and has immersed themselves in criminogenic media. Public users are able to search the site and view the abstracts and keywords for each book and chapter without a subscription.
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